We may no longer hear about it often, having withdrawn from the Ukrainian front after the death of its founder, Yevgeny Prigozhin, but Wagner lives and reigns. Mainly in Africa.
True friends, Hassan Buba tells the Economist, holding a mug with Vladimir Putin’s face on it, “are those who support us in the most difficult times. And Russia was with us in the most difficult moments.”
Mr. Mbumba is the Minister of Livestock of the Central African Republic, one of the poorest and most vulnerable countries in the world. Refers to the assistance provided to his government by the Wagner mercenary group in suppressing an armed rebellion. But he might have more personal memories in mind. In 2021, the minister was arrested by a special UN-backed court and charged with war crimes he allegedly committed while he was a rebel fighting against a previous government. However, after just a week in prison, he was released. Many suspected he had his Russian friends to thank for that.
Presence in the Central African Republic
In recent years, Russia has also used Prigozhin’s Wagner to advance its interests in Africa. Since the summer of 2023, when Prigozhin was killed a few weeks after organizing a failed rebellion against Putin, the group’s activities have been more closely controlled by the Russian state. And its presence on the dark continent is not only maintained, but also expanded.
Wagner first arrived in the Central African Republic in 2018. Discreetly supported by the Russian state (which publicly denies any connection to the group), Prigozhin’s mercenaries offered protection to the government of Faustin Arsene Touader, the country’s president. In January 2021, they helped defeat a rebel coalition that wanted to block Tuandera’s re-election. In return, Wagner guaranteed access to the country’s most profitable gold and diamond mines. Russia replaced France, the former colonial power, as the Central African Republic’s most important external ally.
The approach was replicated across the continent. As of 2023, Wagner has a presence in about a dozen other African countries, notably Mali, Libya and Sudan. Reports of horrific human rights abuses allegedly committed by its fighters across Africa have done little to diminish the influence of Wagner. mercenary group.
After the rebellion and Prigozhin’s death, the Russian state wanted to take control of the empire that had been built by “Putin’s butcher”, as they called him at the time of their beloved cooperation. Several hundred of Wagner’s paintings were removed from Africa.
New improved function for Wagner
However, the practical consequences of the restructuring were limited. In a way, they seem to have strengthened, rather than harmed, the team, observes the economist. This is particularly evident in the Central African Republic, where Wagner continues to operate under its own brand. Western efforts to displace the group’s 1,500-2,000 mercenaries have come to nothing. The government rejected an offer of alternative security assistance made by an American private security company. In Bangui, the capital, hotels and shopping centers remain full of burly Russian men, their faces covered. A memorial dedicated to Wagner soldiers killed in service to the country was erected in the city center.
In fact, Wagner continued to expand its operations in the country. Their mercenaries are reportedly developing a base intended to house 10,000 troops by 2030 and serve as a hub for Russian military operations in Africa.
In contrast to their previous role as parallel forces kept at arm’s length from the Russian state, Wagner’s fighters also took on new, quasi-diplomatic roles. They are said to have been involved in negotiations to open a road to neighboring Chad and to have helped create a joint force to patrol the shared border.
How Russia’s influence is being pushed across Africa
In Mali and Libya, former Wagner men were reinforced by fighters from other African Corps paramilitary units, some of whom had recent combat experience in Ukraine. Small detachments of Russian mercenaries, possibly supported by detachments of the official Russian army, were sent to Burkina Faso and Niger, Mali’s neighbors in the volatile Sahel region.
In September, the Russian space agency signed an agreement with Mali, Burkina Faso and Niger to install telecommunications satellites in their territories. Last year, the Russian state nuclear company signed a preliminary agreement to build a power plant in Burkina Faso. It is also building a large solar plant in Mali and trying to obtain the rights to a gigantic uranium mine in Niger.
The Wagner model offered the Kremlin a cheap and powerful way to promote Russian influence in Africa.